[Gush Shalom] Demo against the Wall, A-ram 13/12 + Avnery on the tides of public opinon
Gush Shalom (Israeli Peace Bloc)
info at gush-shalom.org
Mon Dec 8 15:54:48 IST 2003
GUSH SHALOM pob 3322, Tel-Aviv www.gush-shalom.org
[1]Demonstration against the Wall, A-Ram, Saturday Dec. 13
[2]Washington is responsible
Gush Shalom ad, Ha'aretz, Dec. 5
[3]Olmert etc. - Avnery on the tides of public opinion
[4]Update: activist Radika Sainath out of detention
[5]"We are Air Force, not Mafia" - interview with the refuser pilots
[6]Online petition to support the refusers
[7]The West Bank checkpoints: report and analysis
by Victoria Buch
\\// //\\ \\// //\\ \\//
[1]Demonstration against the Wall, A-Ram, Saturday Dec. 13
The Monster Has Reached A-Ram
The builders of the wall of hatred are planning
to carry out yet another crime against the peace
between Palestinians and Israelis. The new crime
is due to take place in the town of A-Ram.
A-Ram is located north of Jerusalem. 100,000
Palestinians, most of whom have Jerusalem
identity cards, live in this area. Jerusalem is
the center of business, educational, medical, and
cultural life for all of these people.
Now their life is going to be destroyed:
The wall will surround A-Ram on all sides; in
order to enter or leave the town residents will
have to pass through gates. The entire area will
become one big prison.
This new part of the apartheid wall will separate
A-Ram from Jerusalem. The wall is to be built in
the middle of the major Jerusalem-Ramallah
road, on the entire length of this central
artery: one side of the road will be located in
Israel; the other side will belong to the West
Bank.
After the wall is built, a trip from A-Ram to
Jerusalem, which now takes fifteen minutes, will
take at least two hours.
The wall is inhumane. It will create a hothouse
of hate. It constitutes a security danger.
While Sharon is speaking about "painful
concessions", "unilateral action"
and "the road map," the brutal occupation
continues and gets worse day by
day.
The work on the wall in A-Ram has not yet begun!
We can still prevent it from being built!
This Saturday, December 13th at 12:30 we will
join the residents of A-Ram for:
A mass Israeli-Palestinian protest on the wall's
planned route in A-Ram.
Join us so that we can expose this outrage to the
world and so that we can prevent the wall from
being built.
Together we will come together under the slogan:
The Wall Must Fall!
During the demonstration we will build a symbolic
wall on the planned route of the wall of hatred,
and school children will fell the wall which
- if built - will separate them from their school
The demonstration will take place regardless of
the weather. Come with umbrellas.
We will meet at the commercial center of the
French Hill in Jerusalem at 11:00 From Tel Aviv:
The Arlozorlov Station at 9:30; From Jerusalem:
Gan-HaPa'amon at 10:15. From Haifa at Solel
Boneh at 8:15.
For more information: 056-709603
Gush Shalom/The Committee Against House
Demolitions/The National Union of
Arab Students/Hadash/Yesh Gvul/The Women's
Coalition for a Just Peace/Ta'ayush - Arab Jewish
Partnership
NB:We need volunteers for preparation work, who
can meet in Jerusalem at around 10:00 and go to
the site before the masses.
Those able and willing to take part, please
contact Shie at 053-727602.
[2]Washington is responsible
Gush Shalom ad, Ha'aretz, Dec. 5
Secretary of State Colin Powell is to meet with
the initiators of the Geneva Accord. So is Paul
Wolfowitz, the most right-wing official in the
administration.
They are to be congratulated.
But moral encouragement for the Israeli and
Palestinian peace forces is not enough, if at the
same time the US administration is giving
financial and diplomatic support to actions
opposed to its official position: the building of
the Separation Wall that destroys all chances for
peace and the enlargement of the settlements at a
frantic pace.
One tough hint from Bush would suffice to put an
end to these provocations.
Bush, Powell and Wolfowitz: You cannot evade your
responsibility!
Gush Shalom,
Help us with donations to
P.O.Box 3322, Tel-Aviv 61033,
Phone 972-3-5221732.HYPERLINK
{ http://www.gush-shalom.org }www.gush-shalom.org
Requests for information about current
actions:HYPERLINKmailto
{ :info at gush-shalom.org }info at gush-shalom.org
[3]Olmert etc. - Avnery on the tides of public
opinion
The Weathercocks Are Turning
Uri Avnery
6.12.03
It is not yet a tidal wave. But it is more then a
ripple. It is a wave in the process of formation.
During the last few months a realignment of
Israeli public opinion has started to become
noticeable. It has several causes: public
tiredness of the endless cycle of bloodshed, the
perception that there is no military solution,
the worsening of the economic crisis, the
untiring activity of the radical peace movements.
The list of the accumulating symptoms is getting
longer: the movement of the young men who refuse
army service in the occupied territories, the
revolt of the air force pilots, the Ayalon-
Nusseibeh initiative, the statement of the four
former Secret Service chiefs, the criticism
voiced by the Chief-of-Staff, and, this week, the
public criticism by reserve officers on the
continued maintenance of the Netzarim settlement
in the Gaza Strip, where they had just completed
a tour of duty. (see
http://www.haaretz.com/hasen/spages/368026.html)
The Geneva initiative gave this change a great
boost in Israel, as well as an impressive echo
abroad. The participation of international
personalities in the solemn ceremony in
Switzerland lent it status and prestige. The
decision of the US Secretary of State and the
General Secretary of the United Nations to
receive the leaders of this initiative was a
gesture of public support for the peace movement.
(So was the warm personal message conveyed by the
President of Germany, Johannes Rau, to the
ceremony in which a Peace Prize was awarded to
Sari Nusseibeh and me.)
When the wind changes, the weathercocks start to
move. That is happening these days. The most
sensitive ones, like Yoel Markus in “Haaretz”,
already began attacking Sharon some months ago.
Now this is becoming a fashion in the media. The
very same commentators who served for three years
as propagandists for the government and the army
high command, have suddenly discovered that
everything done during the last three years was,
after all, a terrible mistake.
In the wake of the pundits come the politicians.
The Labor Party functionaries, who are mounting a
venomous attack on Beilin and Co., have
themselves published a peace program not very
different from the Geneva document (not that
anybody paid much attention.) But the most
interesting phenomenon is the public conversion
of Ehud Olmert, the former mayor of Jerusalem.
Those who have followed Olmert’s career for a
long time see him as the epitome of the political
opportunist. He wants to be the Likud chairman
after Sharon, whom he is loyally serving now. His
main competitor, Binyamin Netanyahu, is following
an extreme nationalist line. Olmert, who has done
the same in the past, has suddenly changed the
color of his skin. This week he has let loose a
surprising attack both on the Greater Israel idea
and on the settlers, and come out for “unilateral
withdrawal”, arguing that the continued
occupation will turn Israel, God forbid, into a
bi-national state. He did not go into details
about Israel’s future borders.
Clearly, the sensitive nose of Olmert has picked
up the change in public opinion. But the Likud
candidate for Prime Minister is nominated by the
3000-odd members of the Likud Central Committee,
a notoriously extreme right-wing body that has
turned down even Sharon’s so-called moderate
proposals. Olmert, so it seems, believes that
even this body is going to change.
Sharon himself has not changed. To him, the old
adage about the leopard’s spots still applies.
But he, too, finds it necessary to repeat again
and again that he is for “painful concessions”,
hinting that he is ready for “unilateral
withdrawal” (from where? where to?) and talking
about a meeting with the Palestinian Prime
Minister, Abu-Ala (what for?). This does not
prevent him from driving forward the building of
the monstrous Wall that is cutting the
Palestinian territory into ribbons.
The Palestinians, for their part, are very much
aware of the importance of the change in Israeli
public opinion. Abu-Ala’s efforts to organize a
truce are designed to help this process. They,
too, understand that a suicide bomber who causes
massive slaughter in an Israeli town may well
undo the tenuous steps towards change.
The direction of Palestinian policy is very
important. I remember an event 31 years ago: in
Bologna, Italy, the first large public Israeli-
Arab conference took place after years of
preparations. I was asked to make the opening
speech for the Israeli side. I said: the Vietnam
war is being won in American public opinion, the
Algerian war was won in French public opinion,
the Palestinian war will be won in Israeli public
opinion.
Before making the speech, I showed it to the
senior Arab representative, the Egyptian leftist
leader Khaled Mohei-al-Din, one of the “Free
Officers” who made the 1952 revolution. He agreed
with me. But after delivering it, I was
approached by an angry Palestinian who protested:
“Your Israeli arrogance knows no limits! Do you
think that what’s happening in Israel is more
important than the Palestinian struggle?” I told
him that it goes without saying that but for the
valiant struggle of the Vietnamese and the
Algerians, American and French public opinion
would not have changed.
Two years later, Palestinian leaders appeared who
voiced the same opinion. Sa’id Hamami, the PLO
leader who started the first secret contacts with
us, told his colleagues: “If the whole world
recognizes us and Israel does not, what have we
gained?” Issam Sartawi went even further, asking
Yasser Arafat to concentrate entirely on changing
Israeli public opinion, subordinating all other
efforts to this supreme aim.
Arafat understood that the changing of Israeli
public opinion is an important objective, but did
not accept it as the single most important one.
We have talked about this many times. It now
seems that he recognizes the importance of this
effort more than ever, as shown by the blessing
he gave to the Palestinian delegation in Geneva.
There remains the question: if the change of
public opinion in Israel does indeed gather
momentum and become a big wave – how will it
manifest itself in political terms? In other
words, how will it change the political set-up
and achieve a majority in the Knesset?
Not a single person in Israel is able to answer
this question now.
Yossi Beilin is trying to create a party that
will unite his followers with the Meretz party.
This may turn out to be a serious political
mistake.
Meretz was hit hard at the last elections, losing
half its strength and receiving only some 5% of
the vote. It is considered an elitist Ashkenazi
(Israeli of European origin) party, far removed
from vital sections like the oriental Jews, the
Russian immigrants, the religious and even the
Arab citizens. Beilin, himself a member of the
Ashkenazi elite, will not change this public
image.
If the Geneva Initiative becomes the banner of
one party on the margin of the political scene,
it will be condemned to political irrelevance.
Beilin himself will descend to the status of
chief of a small party – if he wins the
competition for the party’s leadership, which is
not at all certain. Perhaps it would be better
for him to retain the lofty status of the bearer
of a national message, free from factional
interests.
The central problem is the Labor party. Its
reaction to the Geneva initiative showed it in
all its shabbiness. From the pathetic Shimon
Peres to the shrill Dalia Itzik, not to mention
Ehud Barak with his personal psychological
problems, they attacked Beilin, their former
comrade, whom they had pushed out of the party on
the eve of the last elections.
Yet without the Labor party, the Left will not
become a dominant political force, in a position
to win the next elections. The creation of a
viable substitute would take many years, and
Beilin’s new party will not achieve this in the
foreseeable future. But in the entire Labor
Party, one cannot, with the best will in the
world, perceive a plausible candidate for Prime
Minister.
That may give the Likud another chance. It is not
impossible that Sharon will again deceive the
public, as he did at the last two elections, when
he presented himself as the man of peace and
security. He will speak about “painful
concessions” and show photos with Abu-Ala. It is
also possible that another Likud candidate devoid
of principles, such as Netanyahu or Olmert, will
come up with a vague peace message.
Either way: if the Israeli Left fails to create a
dominant political force, the change in public
opinion may remain without results, a powerful
wind that does not blow into any sail, steam
without a locomotive.
[4]Update: activist Radika Sainath out of
detention
After 48 hours in custody, and after a stormy
session in court where the state representatives
tried once again to portray her as a "dangerous
provocateur" and used abundantly the magic words
"state security", activist Radika Sainath was let
out of detention.
However, under the stiff conditions set by the
judge, she must spend the rest of her stay in
Israel (she is bound back to the US on the 12th)
within the Tel-Aviv house of activist Ronen
Edelman - still an imprisonment of sorts, even if
in an environment far more comfortable and
friendly than the detention cells at
Ben Gurion Airport, where she spent the weekend
in company with other "unwanted aliens" bound for
deportation.
The judge also conditioned her release upon the
posting of 30,000 Shekels (about $ 6,000) in
bail, of which 5,000 Shekels ($1,000) had to be
delivered in cash. It was a race against time to
raise the sum from various Tel-Aviv activists and
get her out of detention before the state
representatives had the chance to appeal the
judge's verdict to a higher court, as they
threatened to do. Still, the money was collected,
and Adv. Leibovitz picked her up from the cells
and drove her to Tel-Aviv where the bunch of us
welcomed her.
[5]"We are Air Force, not Mafia" - interview with
the refuser pilots
The group of Israeli Air Force pilots who some
months ago create a furor by their refusal to
participate in missions involving "targeted
killings" which often end in the killing of
innocent civilians - and whose action seems to
have contributed to a great reduction in the use
of that measure - have now overcome their initial
hesitation to give interviews to the
international media. Several of them were
interviewed on Ted Koppel's show "Nightline" on
ABC-TV, which featured about a 12 minute segment
on their act of refusal, and Chris McGreal of the
British Guardian published an interview with
other, last week.
http://www.guardian.co.uk/israel/Story/0,2763,1098
456,00.html
[6]Online petition to support the refusers
With the court-martials of the six young
refuseniks nearing their end, New Profile has
launched an online support petition, which
already bears several thousand signatures.
http://www.petitiononline.com/refuz/petition.html
[7]The West Bank checkpoints: report and analysis
by Victoria Buch
>From a speech by Victoria Buch of MachsomWatch, at
the Peace Now vigil outside the prime minster's residence, Jerusalem,
Nov. 29.
What Sharon means when he speaks of "State Security"
I am a member of a women's human rights
organization named MachsomWatch. The
organization monitors military checkpoints (CPs)
that restrict the freedom of movement of
Palestinians around the West Bank.
We make an effort to increase the awareness of the
Israeli and international public of what is
happening there. Moreover, MachsomWatch attempts
to act against human rights abuses at the
checkpoints.
The activity is problematic, since the very
existence of the multitude of checkpoints
constitutes one large scale violation of human
rights and soldiers who man the CPs act upon
orders from their superiors. Still, now and then
we succeed in helping by mediating between
Palestinians and soldiers, or by procuring help
in blatant cases which are not covered by the
orders.
I should like to tell you about what we saw lately
at CPs in the Nablus area and also to share with
you some thoughts concerning the real objectives
of the closure policy.
A large majority of the roadblocks do not separate
Israelis from Palestinians, rather, they separate
Palestinians from Palestinians. In particular,
Palestinian towns such as Nablus are surrounded
by a ring of CPs, which restrict motion between
the town and the surrounding villages. The CPs
make it difficult for the villagers to reach the
town services, such as shopping-malls, hospitals,
clinics, schools, work-places, etc.
Currently, in the Nablus area, the CPs are manned by
elite paratrooper units. Their other assignment
is to provide security for neighboring
settlements.
Let me describe a "typical" roadblock. Two or
three soldiers are stationed in the middle,
their job is to check IDs. Palestinians wait at a
distance behind a "holy" plastic barrier (I shall
explain in a moment, why is it "holy").
Additional soldiers, serving as security cover, are
stationed nearby. Frequently, their guns are
pointed at the waiting queue. (We tried to argue
with the soldiers in the past that scaring people
by pointing guns is quite unnecessary, but we were
unsuccessful.) And so the Palestinians wait, for one
hour, for another.. and sometimes for much
longer. A person arrives at the top of the line,
and is summoned by the soldier. The ID is shown,
sometimes the coat is opened to show "no
explosives", an explanation may be requested as
to where he or she is heading. And then, the 19-year-old soldier
determines if the person can pass, according to
the orders of that day.
I did not find much logic in these orders. One
day, everybody passes, another, the CP is closed
to everybody. For a while, students (young and
healthy people) are allowed to pass, while the
elderly and the sick are stopped. After several
weeks the orders are reversed - everybody above
some age, say 45 or 35, is let through, while
students are not covered by the orders.
People who do not belong to the general
categories permitted to pass have to produce
special permits. Procuring such a permit from the
DCO (District Coordinating Office) is no fun, and
the number of different permits required by the
authorities is constantly increasing. For example, a
Palestinian with the hard-to-get work certificate in
Israel must still obtain a "Permit to Pass a Roadblock".
Last week we observed the following scene.A
Palestinian shows a paper indicating an
appointment at a clinic in Nablus. "Why don't you
travel in an ambulance?" asks the soldier.
"Ambulances are expensive, I don't need one, I
just need to get to a clinic". "Then you cannot
pass, today only medical emergencies in
ambulances are let through".
Sometimes a soldier decides that a Palestinian
"looks suspicious". Then the Palestinian's ID is
taken, and the ID number is fed via telephone to
the Security Services computer. This is an
amazingly slow computer. The ID owner waits
(often for hours) at the CP until the security
clearance arrives. Arguing with soldiers may
result in a punishment of an extra wait for ID
return, or worse.
This routine does not have a good influence on the
soldiers' psyche. For us, it is painful to watch,
how their young faces darken, their voices become
rude, their body language - violent. These boys'
first act as grown-ups is to to become agents of
the occupation, and to acquire immense power over
resentful and angry Palestinians. At the same
time, the soldiers are afraid. The mixture is
poisonous to their souls.
Today in the morning we encountered an especially
nasty example at the Bet Furiq roadblock, in the
form of an aficionado of order. This soldier
devoted only a fraction of his time to checking
IDs. As mentioned above, Palestinians are
supposed to wait behind a plastic barrier. A
Palestinian MUST NOT move beyond the barrier,
even by a bit, unless summoned. The soldier may
close the barrier for an indefinite time, "to
teach a lesson". A significant fraction of
soldiers' time is spent on yelling "The
checkpoint is closed, move back! move
back!". But that Bet Furiq soldier had more
elaborate requirements. Palestinians were supposed
to wait in a single file. Tired people who sat
down on the roadside were requested to join the
file.
In addition, his attention focused on two young
men who had been detained and displayed nearby as
a lesson. They were kneeling on the stony ground, with
hands bound tightly behind their backs. They were
supposed to turn their backs to the waiting line,
and to lower their heads.
Now and then, the soldier checked if they
maintained the "correct" position. It took us
about an hour of phone-calls to secure their
release. One of the detained told us that he has been "in
position" for some five hours.
Another assignment of the soldiers is a man-hunt
for people attempting to pass around the CP.
These are Palestinians who according to the
orders of the particular day cannot pass through
the CP or the ones who are willing to endanger
themselves to avoid the wait and the humiliation.
This man-hunt is occurring in the vicinity of all
roadblocks, but in Bet Furiq it had a new twist.
For this purpose the soldiers were supplied with
three-wheeled all-terrain vehicles, of the kind
you can rent at Nitzanim Beach for recreational
purposes.
We watched the soldiers returning riding on these
vehicles, with the "catch" marching in front of them; they
were met with congratulatory cheers from their
colleagues at the CP.
And it can be much worse. Two weeks ago, a short
time after we left the Bet Furiq CP, a 14-year old
Palestinian boy was shot dead by a soldier.
Soldiers claimed that he threw stones. This
summary execution did not become in any a
significant piece of news in Israel.
Once I asked a soldier - "What do you care? Why
won't you let an Arab to go from one Arab place to
another?" The soldier answered with full strength
of his 19-year-old conviction: "Don't you
understand? I am protecting the state of Israel! I am protecting
you!"
The Chief-of-Staff of the IDF does not seem to
have the same conviction. Recently, he managed to
mumble that perhaps the policy of closure promotes
anger and violence and thus endangers the State
Security, rather than serving it.
Four ex-chiefs of the General Security Service
(Shabak) did not mumble. They stated quite loudly that
the oppressive and humiliating policies towards Palestinians,
together with funding and development of
settlements, are not the way to prevent terror.
On the contrary, they bring Israel to a brink of
an abyss, into existential danger.
Despite these statements by Israeli security experts,
the roadblocks are still there, fully
operational. Let us then ask what purpose do they
serve in the policy of Sharon.
Our public was told that the purpose is
apprehending terrorists. This claim does not
stand the test of reality. Since Sharon came to
power, terrorism against Israeli citizens reached
an unprecedented level. The terrorists, members
of well-organized and well-funded groups manage
to reach their destinations quite effectively. On
the other hand, peaceful people do not manage to
conduct their daily affairs, and are denied
normal respectable life.
Another proposal: Sharon honestly thought that
the roadblocks would help against terror, but now realized his
error and embarked on the way of compromise and
negotiations. Didn't we hear recently from him
about the need for "painful concessions"? Aren't
there negotiations in progress?
I am always amazed about the number of people in
Israel who are willing to believe, again and
again, in this optimistic fairy-tale. It is a
deja-vu; the scenario is known in advance.
Pressure for negotiations mounts in Israel and
abroad; Sharon declares he is willing to
negotiate and compromise; a purely symbolic
removal of some settlement outposts is
carried out, and the closure noose is loosened
slightly; negotiations with Palestinian Authority
are initiated (and I think that Sharon keeps this
powerless PA in existence so that he can set this
farce going again and again), while on the ground,
the occupation machine keeps grinding diligently;
then an assassination of a Hamas or Jihad leader
is ordered, or a similar provocation is carried
out; a chain of terror acts against Israeli
civilians ensues; Sharon declares "I wanted
peace, but you see, there is nobody to negotiate
with"; and the Israeli public repeats obediently
"We wanted peace, but there is nobody to
negotiate with".
Another possibility has been raised by some among
the Israeli left, that Sharon aims at permanent
settlement in the form of Bantustans, according to
the old-time South African recipe. The Separation
Fence marks the borders of the projected
Bantustans. Sharon hopes to negotiate a permanent
Apartheid system, relying on the PA's weakness.
I do not believe in this proposal, either. If you
wish to establish a stable Bantustan, you do not
begin by demolishing it. During his tenure,
Sharon ordered systematic destruction of
political and economic infrastructure in the
densely populated Areas A of the Occupied
Territories, which are the projected
Bantustans. Recall destruction of the PA security
forces, of the government structures and
equipment, of agriculture, workshops, roads, lamp-
posts...
Most of the Palestinians live now under the
poverty line - 2$ per person per day. If you lock
3 million people behind fences in Bantustans,
without viable economic and government
infrastructure, and without a hope for better
future, the result is escalating bloodshed. That
much is should be clear to any reasonable person,
as well as to the people who instituted the
policy. Let us not kid ourselves - these are
intelligent and determined people, capable
of long term planning.
I believe that the
Bantustans were planned by them as a "useful"
transitional phase towards their real objective.
So what is the objective? I think that the aim is
quite obvious - the Greater Israel ("Eretz Israel
HaShlema") from Jordan to the Mediterranean Sea,
in which the Palestinians will be supplanted by
settlers. For Sharon and Mofaz, the Palestinians
are a pest by definition - not potential partners for coexistence.
When Sharon is talking about striving to uphold
the security of the state, that is what he means.
In other words, he aims to repeat, in a big way, the
"exercise" of 1948.
Before 1948, there were many Palestinians around us, and
then most of them disappeared. There may be
people among us who, would claim that in 1948 it
happened in the course of Israel's fight for existence.
However that may be, now it is certainly not a war for
existence, but rather a systematic policy of
unrelenting and uncompromising nationalism.
This policy brings our country to the
brink of existential abyss, just as the four ex-
GSS heads said. And we had better do something
about it, urgently.
Contct: Machsom Watch <machsomwatch at hotmail.com>
----------
If you do not really believe us and feel Gush
Shalom is exaggerating then
go to the following Haaretz page:
http://www.haaretzdaily.com/hasen/spages/360916.ht
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