[GushShalom] Arafat meets Gush Shalom; calls for ceasefire/elections
Gush Shalom (Israeli Peace Bloc)
info at gush-shalom.org
Sun Aug 8 01:46:05 IDT 2004
GUSH SHALOM - pob 3322, Tel-Aviv 61033 www.gush-shalom.org/
<> Arafat meets Gush Shalom activists:
Calls for cease-fire & new Palestinian elections
<> Uri Avnery answers F.A.Q. re Sharon's Disengagement Plan
<><><>
<> Arafat meets Gush Shalom activists:
Calls for cease-fire & new Palestinian elections
Arafat meets Israeli activists - calls for cease-fire with Israel and new
Palestinian elections
Gush Shalom Press Release 7.8.2004
"I would like to hold as soon as possible new elections throughout the
Palestinian Authority - presidential, parliamentary and municipal
elections. But the occupation authorities make it impossible for us to
proceed with so much as voter registration" said the Palestinian
Authority President Yasser Arafat to a delegation of about 20 activists
of Gush Shalom (The Israeli Peace Bloc) who this morning visited the
presidential compound at Ramallah.
"Does that mean that Muhammad Dahlan would also be able to run for
president against you?" asked one of the Israeli activists, referring to
the former Gaza security chief who recently gave several newspaper
interviews critical of Arafat. "Certainly, anyone in the Palestinian
territories could run in the elections - but Dahlan called me a few days
ago and said he does not intend to challenge me" answered Arafat. He
noted that elections are impossible when voters and candidates cannot
move freely between cities and when candidates who meet Israel's
disapproval can be hauled off to Israeli prisons or "liquidated" by
Apache helicopters.
The elections issue was later taken up during the impromptu press
conference held by the Israeli delegation on the outside steps of the
building, still showing the scars of various invasions and incursions by
Israeli forces. "Had the Sharon Government been serious in its declared
quest for 'a credible Palestinian partner it would not have had to look
far" said Uri Avnery of Gush Shalom. "All that would be needed is to
facilitate free Palestinian elections under international supervision -
as was done in 1995, when Arafat was elected by a large majority - and
then open negotiations with whoever wins, the incumbent or somebody new.
But that is the very last thing our Prime Minster wants. He prefers to
continue his enormous campaign of defamation and incitement, in Israel,
the US and the rest of the world, continue to moan that 'there is no
partner' and go on with acts of oppression and with the building of walls
and settlements. We of Gush Shalom came here as patriotic Israelis. We
came to meet with the person who got the confidence of the Palestinian
people the last time they were asked for their opinion, and who by all
indications would have gotten it again had elections been held now. We
came to meet the only Palestinian leader who is able and willing to make
peace with the state of Israel, and to get for such a peace wide support
among Palestinians.
Another subject prominent on the agenda of the Israelis' meeting with
Arafat was Sharon's declared plan of "disengaging from Gaza". Asked
several times if he thought Sharon would actually go through with it,
Arafat answered "I hope so". He added "What I don't understand is why
Sharon needs 17 months to get ready to withdraw from there. After all, it
took Israel just six hours to evacuate all of South Lebanon, an area more
then ten times the Gaza Strip."
"If Israel does withdraw, we can and will take up management of the
Strip. But Sharon is certainly not making things easy with the widespread
destruction his army is perpetrating there daily. For example, in normal
times the Palestinian hothouses around Gaza are highly productive, in
this very small area they have an agricultural output about 30% of the
whole Kingdom of Jordan. But now many of the hothouses are destroyed by
the army, these farmers can't support the economy, we have to support
them.
The Palestinian Authority's ability to support people is hampered by the
Israeli government violating the agreement on taxes. Since Israel
controls all the borders, it was agreed in 1994 that Israeli customers
will collect the customs duties on the merchandise coming to us, deduct a
3% fee and pass to us the other 97%. In normal times, it came to 70 or 80
million Shekels per month (14 to 16 million, in US Dollars), This was a
big part of our budget, but now for more than three years the Israelis
are depriving us of it, except for a very small part which they gave
Finance Minister Fayad as a kind of favor. But we don't ask for favors,
this is our money which we should get from customs like every other
government in the world.
Arafat repeated several times his wish for a cease-fire with Israel "a
full cease-fire in both the Gaza Strip and the West Bank." But at the
moment Sharon is not willing to negotiate, except for local coordination
between military commanders at the Beit Hanoun area [north Gaza Strip].
"We want to reach a cease-fire. I have no problem negotiating with
Sharon. I have no problem meeting him personally, or if he doesn't want
that - through intermediaries. We met Sharon and Netanyahu at the Wye
River Conference, and we signed an agreement. I have no problem repeating
that."
One of the Israeli activists remarked that at Wye Sharon had refused to
shake Arafat's hand. "Yes, he refused to shake my hand, but he signed an
agreement with me nonetheless. And Netanyahu did shake my hand, even
called me his friend."
The conversation then shifted to the feasibility of a cease-fire with all
the Palestinian factions involved. "If we reach a cease-fire, I will
enforce it on all the factions, I am not joking. Yesterday, the spokesman
of Islamic Jihad, Muhammad el-Hindi, declared that his organization will
accept an agreement signed by the Palestinian Authority. Haled Mash'al,
head of the Hamas Political Bureau, is now in Egypt for talks about a
cease-fire. Since he can't get into the territories, I talk with him on
the phone. In 1981, when we were in Lebanon, i signed an agreement to
stop shooting missiles on the Galilee. When the people of the Popular
Front and the Democratic Front wanted to go on shooting missiles, I put
them in prison. I am not joking, if we sign an agreement for cease-fire
including the end of shooting missiles on Israel, then it will stop."
There was a specific question regarding the "El-Aqsa Martyrs Brigade."
Arafat answered: This organization is not part of the Fatah Movement;
some of the people there say that I am their supreme commander, but they
get money from Iran via Munir Maqdah [a Lebanon-based Palestinian
officer, who rebelled against Arafat some years ago]. But as I said, I am
not joking. If there is a cease-fire, it will apply to them like
everybody else.
The final part of the meeting, Arafat went into historical reminiscences.
"After Oslo, I met in Amman with Rabin and King Hussein. We discussed the
possibility of a Benelux-type framework between Israel, Palestine and
Jordan. I got afterwards some feelers from Lebanon of their being
interested to be included as well. The murder of Rabin ended all this, I
hope that some day it would be possible to take it up again."
For more information:
Gush Shalom Spokesperson Adam Keller: 03-5565804 / 050-6709603
~~~
<> Uri Avnery answers F.A.Q. re Sharon's Disengagement Plan
Some Order in the Mess
Uri Avnery
7.8.04
Ariel Sharon's "disengagement" plan has already made a mess on all
levels.
It has sparked a continuing cabinet crisis, an upheaval in several
parties, a disorientation of public opinion, confusion in the security
establishment and armed confrontations between Palestinian organizations.
The Israeli peace movement is mixed up like everybody else. Some
support Sharon because of the plan and even want to join his government,
others denounce Sharon and the plan furiously.
Let's try to make some sense of this mess.
1. What does the plan say?
According to Sharon, he plans to evacuate - and probably demolish - all
settlements in the Gaza Strip, evacuate the settlers and the army and leave the
territory to the Palestinians. According to the plan, the Israeli army will hold on to the
"Philadelphi Axis" as an insurmountable barrier between the Strip and Egypt.
As a symbolic gesture, the plan also provides for the dismantling of three small,
unimportant settlements on the northern edge of the West Bank.
2. Will it be implemented?
Not at all certain.
The plan was not the result of elaborate staff-work. It was more in the nature of
an improvisation, quickly served up to please President Bush. Sharon knew that it
would be opposed by the right-wing and the Palestinians, and pull the rug out from
under the Labor Party.
The government has officially resolved to confirm the plan in principle, but has not
decided to dismantle a single settlement. Such a decision would necessitate another
government resolution.
In the meantime, the matter is moving forward languidly. The army is supposed to
produce a plan, but insists that the job of removing the settlers should be turned over
to the police. The Ministry of Justice has been charged with the drafting of the
necessary laws. A committee is supposed to prepare a sliding scale for
compensation. The tempo of progress in no way indicates speedy implementation.
But, most importantly: there is no effort at all to mobilize public opinion in favor of
the disengagement. The opponents of disengagement, the settlers and their allies,
are working with great zeal. They have already won a victory in the referendum of
Likud members, they have organized a big "human chain" demonstration, they are
preparing further large actions. They manipulate the media with great dexterity. They
can mobilize at a moment's notice tens of thousands of settlers and right-wingers.
They have at their disposal almost unlimited amounts of money, provided by
American Jewish millionaires and Christian fundamentalists.
Opposing this propaganda juggernaut, there is nothing but silence. The Likud is
not mobilizing its members for a campaign of support for the plan, the Labor party is
busy with internal squabbles about joining the government and the left-wing does not
know what to think about the whole affair.
The supporters of the plan console themselves with the knowledge that in all
public opinion polls, a majority supports the plan. But this is a wobbly majority,
unenthusiastic and unsure of itself. It has not yet been tested in a real crisis. It can
easily evaporate.
3. Is there a time-table?
None at all.
Sharon and his people speak loosely about starting the evacuation in March,
2005, and finishing the job by the end of that year. By the look of things, this is idle
talk. Since Yitzhak Rabin remarked that "there are no sacred dates", all Israeli leaders
have violated agreed timetables. The natural inclination is always to postpone difficult
decisions.
When I met Yasser Arafat this morning, he remarked: "It took Israel six hours to
leave South Lebanon, why does Sharon need 17 months to leave the Gaza Strip?"
4. So what is Sharon's real purpose?
The plan suits his grand design to turn all (or almost all) of Eretz Israel into a
Jewish State. (Eretz Israel - the Land of Israel - is nowadays understood as identical
with Mandatory Palestine, the land between the Mediterranean and the Jordan.)
For him, Gaza, a negligible piece of real estate (less than 1.5 % of the country!) is
devouring a disproportionate part of Israel's military and financial resources. What is
important for him is "Judea and Samaria" - the West Bank, which is 16 times larger.
He hopes that the disengagement from Gaza will enable him to annex more than half
of the West Bank and to enclose the Palestinians in a number of enclaves that are
practically isolated from each other and at the mercy of Israel. In the long run, the aim
is to make life intolerable for the Palestinian population and cause it to leave
altogether.
5. If so, is there any positive side to the disengagement plan?
In the peace camp, some voices insist that the plan should be supported because
it creates, for the first time, a precedent of evacuating settlements in Eretz Israel.
Emotionally and politically, this would certainly have a huge impact. (The Yamit area,
where several settlements were evacuated in pursuance of the peace treaty with
Egypt, is not considered part of Eretz Israel).
The peaceniks who support the plan argue that the long-term intentions of Sharon
are irrelevant. The only important thing is what actually happens on the ground - and
on the ground 7500 settlers will be removed from the Gaza Strip - if it happens, of
course.
6. On the other side, can the plan cause damage?
A disengagement that is divorced from peace negotiations can be very dangerous.
Sharon's people say that they don't give a damn what will happen in the Gaza
Strip after the Israeli withdrawal. They are pretending. Behind the scenes, the military
and political leadership is planning the installation of a local warlord, who would rule
the Strip under Israeli (and therefore also American and Egyptian) protection. Their
preferred candidate is Muhammad Dahlan, the former boss of the political police in
the Strip.
If this happens, the local strongman may well end up like Bashir Jumail, who was
supposed to rule Lebanon under Israeli protection. He was soon murdered. The
warlord installed by Israel may be removed and actual power in the Gaza Strip then
pass into the hands of the armed organizations that will continue to fight against
Israel by all available means, including missiles. The Israeli army will then occupy the
territory again, and the whole story will begin again from square one.
On the other hand, if the experiment succeeds, the Gaza Strip will become an
"autonomous" area under Israeli control, administered by a local strongman. It will be
rather like the South African Bantustans at the time of apartheid. The Palestinian
people will, of course, view this as an existential threat and fight against it by all
possible means.
7. Can the plan be supported by the peace camp?
Only if the following conditions are met:
(a) The government of Israel must declare that the West Bank and the Gaza Strip
constitute one single territorial unit, as explicitly stated in the Oslo agreement.
(b) The disengagement must be connected with the renewal of peace negotiations
between the government of Israel and the elected leadership of the Palestinian
people.
(c) The disengagement must be implemented by agreement with the Palestinian
Authority and the territory must be turned over to it in an orderly manner. The
agreement should include arrangements that will guarantee the security of both
sides, perhaps backed by an international peacekeeping force.
(d) The "Philadelphi Axis" must be dismantled. Land, air and sea connections
between the Gaza Strip with the world must be opened, perhaps under international
supervision.
(e) All buildings and infrastructure of the settlements must be turned over intact to
the Palestinian Authority or an international institution. Their value may be taken into
account when the refugee problem is settled.
(f) A definite timetable must be agreed for the implementation of all phases of the
disengagement.
PS:
When I asked Arafat today whether he believes that the disengagement plan will
actually be implemented, he answered: "We hope so!"
"I didn't ask whether you hope so, but whether you believe it!" I insisted.
Arafat smiled and repeated: "We hope so!"
# Visit the website of Mandela Institute and help children of Palestinian
prisoners to buy a school bag: http://www.mandela-palestine.org
# The Presbyterian Church in the United States recently took a step towards
divestment from companies who profit from the harming of innocent people, whether
Palestinian or Israeli. They also say that Israel's "separation wall" being built through
occupied Palestinian territory is illegal and shoul
d be removed.
As pro-occupation forces are mobilizing to flood the PCUSA with
messages condemning their actions, they are in dire need to get
support. We recommend signing the petition of Jewish Voice for Peace
at http://ga3.org/campaign/pcusa/eg6i3i41jde38j
# Truth against Truth - opposite views on the history of the conflict in 101 steps
Hebrew / òáøéú
http://www.gush-shalom.org/Docs/Truth_Heb.pdf
English
http://www.gush-shalom.org/Docs/Truth_Eng.pdf
# Boycott List of Settlement Products (newly updated)
Now also with list of settlements
Hebrew / òáøéú
http://gush-shalom.org/Boycott/boycheb.htm
English
http://gush-shalom.org/Boycott/boyceng.htm
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http://www.gush-shalom.org/english/index.html (English)
http://www.gush-shalom.org/arabic/index.html (selected articles in
Arabic)
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